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Key Takeaways from LFJ’s  Virtual Town Hall: PACCAR Revisited

By John Freund |

Key Takeaways from LFJ’s  Virtual Town Hall: PACCAR Revisited

On Thursday August 15th, LFJ hosted a Virtual Town Hall titled ‘PACCAR Revisited.’ The live event revisited the PACCAR decision one year later and explored what the future holds for legal funding in the UK and beyond.

Panelists included Ben Knowles (BK), Chair International Arbitration at Clyde & Co LLP, Robert Marven (RM), Barrister at 4 New Square, Nicholas Marler (NM), Head of Technical Underwriting at Litica Ltd, and Neil Purslow (NP), Founder and Chief Investment Officer, Therium Capital Management Limited. The panel discussion was moderated by Tets Ishikawa, Managing Director of LionFish Litigation Finance Limited.

Below are some key takeaways from the event:

We don’t hear much from insurers in regard to the PACCAR issue. Nicholas, from an insurer’s perspective, what are your thoughts?

NM: The ATE insurers’ odyssey through the world of PACCAR is in some ways quite different from that of a litigation funder. At first bluff, you might think that PACCAR doesn’t have anything to do with insurers because it has to do with litigation funding agreements, and you’d never catch an insurer signing an LFA, so what’s the problem?

If you scratch a little deeper though, the reality is quite different. If you as an insurer, insure a funder, and the funder gives an adverse costs indemnity to the claimant, then all of a sudden, the insurer’s contractual fortunes are tied to the funders. If the LFA is unenforceable, then not only can the insurer not collect its contingent premium if there’s a success, but the coverage provided to the funder has vanished–this is because the LFA is unenforceable.

We actually had this exact experience play out. An opportunistic claimant sought to cut the funder out, because it felt emboldened to do so as a result of the PACCAR decision. When they were informed that doing so would void their insurance, which was to their benefit, they magically found the goodwill necessary to resolve things with their funder and an amicable solution was quickly found.

You’ve touched on enforceability. Given how central that is to the heart of the PACCAR issue, Robert, can you share some insights and perspectives on this corse issue?

RM: There are essentially two views on the concept of enforceability. One is that it essentially says there isn’t anything wrong with the contract, just that it can’t be enforced. There is another view which says that the contract is unenforceable, that it is an illegal contract. I don’t agree with that. It seems this is one of the paradoxes of PACCAR, it seems to have rendered unenforceable funding agreements that were perfectly legal under common law.

A lack of enforceability is important to understand as a two-way street. It means the funder cannot enforce, and it also means the claimant cannot enforce. And this is the key to understanding why things have been put right in cases that are still ongoing. A claimant who says to a funder ‘I don’t have to pay you anymore,’ well, a funder could say to the same token, ‘I don’t have to fund your case anymore.’ And we have seen cases that have been over or very nearly over, where the claimants think they don’t need the funder anymore and saying ‘thank you very much, I needed the funding but I don’t have to pay you.’ Or ‘I did pay you, but I want the money back.’

This is where it’s important to remember that enforceability is a two-way street. If all sides want to continue to carry on, then everyone has an incentive in fixing the problem. It’s only where those interests converge that seem to have led to a significant litigation dispute.

Ben, from your perspective, how do you think this affects the UKs standing as a legal jurisdiction?

BK: PACCAR created a mess, and it was an expensive mess, irrespective of where we’re going to end up. There’s been a lot of lawyer’s time figuring out what PACCAR means and where we’re going to go. The PACCAR fix, as I call it, would have cleared things up to some extend. But the absence of that means some of this uncertainty will continue. And uncertainty means additional costs.

We have these various appeals on the funding agreements out there at the moment. I would expect that in some of these cases, there will be appeals that go to the Court of Appeals, and potentially, all the way up to the Supreme Court. My feeling is, when there’s a case to be funded, lawyers will find a way to get that case funded. Although I’d imagine there will be a risk premium attached to that funding, not least because everybody will be getting their funding agreements checked, double-checked and triple-checked. And you may have lawyers who disagree on what’s permissible, and that leads to additional costs at the start of the case.

This session is about PACCAR, but we’d be remiss not to talk about the CJC, given how the two issues merge. Neil, you’re on the consultation group for the CJC review. Are there any insights you’re able to share?

NP: There’s now a working party reporting up to the CJC. We’re expecting an interim report from that working party to come out in late summer or early autumn, and there will be a consultation, and then the final report in the middle of next year. So we’ve put on quite a tight timeline.

From an industry perspective, this review is welcome, unless you’re opposed to the idea of talking about regulation, which I don’t think the industry is. This is a sensible organizational group that is considering these points in a proper and thoughtful way. I would encourage people to get behind the work that ILFA and ALFA are doing here, and I’d also encourage funders to get involved in the consultation phase as well. It’s very important that the CJC are thinking about these points with a full and proper understanding of how funding actually works, so they can understand the impact.

I think it’s also important that the industry makes sure that the review takes place in a proper context, and by ‘proper context’ I mean that there is an understanding that funding does have benefits. So the review should look at how good responsible funding can be encouraged and those benefits can be maximized, rather than looking at funding as a suspicious thing that needs to be controlled and is just a risk. I think there is a very positive message for funding that needs to be emphasized, and I think the CJC needs to look at it through this positive lens, and I’m confident that they will.

To view the entire digital event, click here.

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John Freund

John Freund

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Sen. Tillis Vows Second Round in Litigation‑Finance Tax Battle

By John Freund |

Sen. Thom Tillis (R–N.C.) said he’s not backing down in his push to impose a special tax on litigation‑finance investors, signalling a new legislative attempt after an initial setback.

According to a report in Bloomberg Law, Tillis introduced the Tackling Predatory Litigation Funding Act earlier this year, which would levy a 41 % tax on profits earned by third‑party funders of civil lawsuits (37 % top individual rate plus 3.8 % net investment income tax). While the bill was included in the Senate Republicans’ version of the tax reconciliation package, the tax provision was ultimately removed by the Senate parliamentarian during the June process.

Tillis argues this is about fairness: he says that litigation‑finance investors enjoy more favourable tax treatment than the victims who receive legal awards, a situation he calls “silly.” He acknowledged the industry’s strong push‑back, noting a high level of lobbying from entities such as the International Legal Finance Association and other funders. “You couldn’t throw a rock and not hit a contract lobbyist who hadn’t been engaged to fight this … equitable tax treatment bill,” he said.

Though Tillis is not seeking re‑election and will leave office next year, he remains committed to using his remaining time to keep the tax issue alive. His remarks suggest this debate is far from over and could resurface in future legislation.

Hausfeld Secures Landmark £1.5bn Victory Against Apple

Hausfeld has achieved a major breakthrough in the UK’s collective‑action landscape by securing a trial victory against Apple Inc. in a case seeking up to £1.5 billion in damages. The case, brought on behalf of roughly 36 million iPhone and iPad users, challenged Apple’s App Store fees and policies under the UK collective action regime.

According to the article in The Global Legal Post, the action was filed by Dr Rachael Kent (King’s College London) and backed by litigation funder Vannin Capital. Over a 10‑year span, the tribunal found that Apple abused its dominant position by imposing “exclusionary practices” and charging “excessive and unfair” fees on app purchases and in‑app subscriptions.

The judgement, delivered by the ­Competition Appeal Tribunal (CAT) on 23 October 2025, marks the first collective action under the UK regime to reach a successful trial‐level resolution. The CAT held that Apple’s 30 % fee on these transactions breached UK and EU competition laws and that the restrictions were disproportionate and unnecessary in delivering claimed benefits.

Apple has stated it will appeal the ruling, arguing the decision takes a “flawed view of the thriving and competitive app economy.” Meanwhile, the result is viewed as a significant vindication for collective claimants, with Dr Kent describing it as “a landmark victory … for anyone who has ever felt powerless against a global tech giant.”

ADF Women Eligible for Class Action Against Commonwealth

Thousands of women who served in the Australian Defence Force (ADF) between 12 November 2003 and 25 May 2025 are eligible to join a new class action in the Federal Court of Australia, brought by the law firm JGA Saddler and backed by global litigation funder Omni Bridgeway.

The Nightly reports that according to JGA Saddler lawyer Josh Aylward, the case alleges that the ADF has been afflicted by “sexual violence and discrimination” for decades—despite prior investigations and recommendations. “There is a gendered battlefield within the ADF that female soldiers have been faced with for more than 20 years,” Aylward said.

The claim includes allegations ranging from daily harassment—such as sexist comments and unwanted touching—to physical assaults. One cited case involves a woman pinned against a wall during a night out with colleagues, reporting the incident to military police who declined to prosecute with no explanation offered. The class action marks a bid to hold the Commonwealth to account for systemic issues rather than isolated incidents.

The eligibility window is broad: any woman who served in the ADF during that 2003–2025 period may participate. The class action is expected to become a multi‑million‑dollar claim.