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Mythbusting the Call for New Regulation of TPLF

By John Freund |

Mythbusting the Call for New Regulation of TPLF

The following is a contributed piece from Rupert Cunningham, Director for Growth and Membership Engagement at the International Legal Finance Association (ILFA).

In their call for more EU regulation last week, AmCham EU, Business Europe and their co-signatories make misleading and inaccurate allegations about third-party litigation funding. These calls have been repeated by the same groups over and over again, pushed by big corporations that simply do not want those harmed by their wrongful behaviour to have recourse in the judicial system. ILFA will continue to counter these claims in the strongest terms. Below we unravel some of the most common misleading statements:

Myth: “Third-party litigation funders currently operate in a regulatory vacuum and without any transparency requirements.”

There is no regulatory vacuum. Litigation funders are regulated under company law in the same way as any other business, for example, the Directive on unfair business-to-consumer commercial practices and the Directive on unfair terms in consumer contracts. Specific to litigation funding, activities are regulated by the Representative Actions Directive and the Collective Redress Directive.

Publicly traded funders are further regulated through legislation on securities and financial instruments and by the relevant stock exchanges and financial authorities. This includes publishing annual reports on financial performance. Examples of other EU rules that apply to listed funders include the Shareholder Rights Directive, Prospectus Regulation, MIFID II.

Lawyers engaged in litigation are bound by professional, regulatory, and fiduciary responsibilities to represent the best interests of their clients where they practise.

Myth: “A civil justice climate that is abundant in abusive claims and mass private third-party funded litigation, creates a chilling effect that deters businesses from innovating, investing, competing, and prospering.”

Supporting meritorious litigation does not deter businesses from innovating and prospering – it deters corporate wrongdoing. As long as companies behave responsibly and comply with the obligations set out in the law, they have nothing to fear from litigation funding.

Myth: “If civil litigation remains funded by unregulated private third parties, we expect a surge in speculative litigation in the EU, which would undermine public confidence in the European justice systems at a time when maintaining faith in our democratic institutions is so critical.”

Far from undermining public confidence in the legal system, a recent independent report from the European Law Institute (ELI) concluded litigation funding plays a ‘functionally vital role in facilitating access to justice in many jurisdictions’.[1]

With public funding (legal aid) increasingly concentrated in the criminal justice sphere, litigation funding offers vital assistance to claimants bringing meritorious civil claims to courts. Greater access to justice, supported by litigation funding, leads to the development of better legal jurisprudence – a benefit to our legal system and to the rule of the law.

Myth: “TPLF is a for-profit business model that allows private financiers, investment firms, and hedge funds, to sign confidential deals with lawyers or qualified entities to invest in lawsuits or arbitration in exchange for a significant portion of any compensation that may be awarded, sometimes as much as 40% of the total compensation but can go even substantially higher.”

Litigation funder’s fees reflect the level of risk undertaken (which will vary) and are assessed case-by-case.

Many funded cases are “David vs. Goliath” in nature with well-resourced defendants. This requires substantial upfront financial investment to level the playing field and for cases to proceed. In the UK sub-postmasters’ recent successful claim against the Post Office, the Post Office spent nearly 250m GBP on its defence.

Myth: “The financial incentives of such practices encourage frivolous and predatory litigation, but they also shortchange genuine claimants and consumers.”

Litigation funding is provided on a non-recourse basis, i.e. if the case is unsuccessful, the funder loses their entire investment. There is no logical financial incentive for litigation funders to fund frivolous legal claims. Funders’ due-diligence checks assist the justice system by weeding out unmeritorious claims that have a poor chance of success when put before a court. The approval rate for funding opportunities is as low as 3-5%.

Myth: “The introduction of a purely profit-motivated third party, often non-EU based, into the traditional lawyer-client relationship, raises serious ethical concerns and presents an economic security threat for Europe.”

The letter presents no substantive evidence that litigation funding is being used by ‘non-EU’ entities to destabilise the European economy or legal systems. ILFA suggests that experienced judges and lawyers operating in EU legal systems are more than capable of identifying threats to the integrity of our legal systems and safeguarding against the misuse or abuse of the court system for geopolitical or other aims.

Myth: “Funders are frequently the initiators of claims and may exercise control over decisions taken on behalf of claimants, and in this context, they prioritise their own financial aims over the interests of claimants. Faced with years of litigation brought by claimants with support from well-resourced funders, expensive legal costs, and reputational risk, defendants are often forced to settle even unmeritorious claims.”

Litigation funders make passive outside investments, meaning that funders do not initiate claims or control the matters in which they invest. A recipient of legal funding, and their legal counsel, maintain full control over the conduct of the case, including strategy and ultimate decision-making.

Myth: “If Europe continues to neglect proper oversight of private TPLF we risk our courts becoming profit facilitators for litigation funders, at the expense of European companies, consumers, and the integrity of our court systems.”

The reference to European companies is a curious one. Litigation funders make no distinction between EU or ‘non-EU’ claimants, basing funding awards on factual criteria such as the legal merits of a case, budget, funding required, and any other award and risks associated with the case.

This latest call from big businesses makes clear they continue to side with corporate wrongdoers, diminishing the legitimate rights of businesses and consumers to access justice and exercise their rights before the courts.

“Misleading and inaccurate claims like these appear around the world as part of a global lobbying effort to encourage unnecessary and burdensome regulation of the legal finance sector,” said Rupert Cunningham, ILFA’s newly appointed Global Director for Growth and Membership Engagement.  “Robustly challenging these persistent myths is critical to improving understanding of the sector amongst policy makers and wider industry stakeholders. That is why it is so important that international organisations like ILFA are able to respond to these claims on behalf of the sector, wherever and whenever they appear.”

By enabling the pursuit of meritorious claims, litigation funding levels the playing field and creates an equality of means between otherwise unequal parties.


[1] https://www.europeanlawinstitute.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/p_eli/Publications/ELI_Principles_Governing_the_Third_Party_Funding_of_Litigation.pdf

About the author

John Freund

John Freund

Commercial

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New Verdict Study Links Stronger Social Inflation to States Without Funding Rules

A new academic study of more than 74,000 US jury verdicts and settlements has found that civil liability costs are rising faster than general inflation — and that the effect is stronger in states that do not regulate third-party litigation funding.

As reported by The Morning Call, the research was conducted by academics at Georgia State University together with Brighthouse Financial, covering verdicts and settlements nationwide from 2009 through 2024. The study attributes the bulk of the increase to rapidly growing jury awards rather than to case mix, finding that plaintiffs are winning a larger share of the cases that reach trial, that fewer cases are settling before trial, and that verdicts have climbed even after controlling for the types of claims being heard. The pattern holds across the range of case values rather than being driven solely by headline nuclear verdicts.

The op-ed, written by Curt Schroder, executive director of the Pennsylvania Coalition for Civil Justice Reform, uses the findings to argue against Pennsylvania House Bill 1913, which would allow attorneys to suggest specific damages figures during closing arguments. Schroder contends that Pennsylvania currently has no consumer protections governing third-party litigation funding, and points to the study's finding of stronger social inflation in unregulated states.

He cites Philadelphia data as illustrative: the city recorded 12 verdicts of at least $10 million in 2024, more than in any year going back to at least 2017, with the median damages award reaching $192,664 — nearly twice the previous high of $100,000.

North Carolina’s Funding Ban Has Not Triggered the Domino Effect Insurers Expected

Two months after North Carolina became the first US state to ban commercial litigation funding outright, the nationwide wave of copycat prohibitions that some predicted has not arrived, according to a new industry analysis.

As reported by Carrier Management, the 22 June ban marked a turning point in what the publication describes as a decade-long contest between the third-party litigation funding sector and the commercial insurance industry. The measure was a significant win for insurers and corporate defendants. But the analysis cautions against reading it as the beginning of the end for the funding model, noting that the plaintiffs' bar is already shifting toward private equity structures to keep cases financed.

While some legal and business publications framed the North Carolina statute as the start of a nationwide domino effect, that momentum has failed to materialise. Instead, the piece finds that most states are choosing to build guardrails rather than insurmountable walls. Recent statutes have focused on mandatory transparency requirements, prohibitions on funder control over litigation strategy, and caps on investor payouts.

The scale of that regulatory activity is substantial even without outright prohibition. Citing data compiled by the US Chamber of Commerce, the analysis reports that 20 states have now enacted laws regulating the litigation funding industry, including 13 states that passed restrictions within the last two years alone. None of those states pursued a full ban.

The takeaway for funders is that the dominant legislative trend remains disclosure and conduct regulation rather than exclusion — a materially different operating environment from the one North Carolina has created.

Former Congressman Urges Executive Order to Unmask Litigation Funding Backers

A former Republican member of Congress is calling on the White House to use existing Treasury authority to force third-party litigation funders to identify who is behind the money they deploy in US courts.

As reported by the Washington Examiner, former Mississippi Representative Gregg Harper describes third-party litigation funding as "a quiet but corrosive practice that has grown into a multibillion-dollar industry," and argues that the practice allows undisclosed backers to shape American litigation without accountability.

Harper sets out a specific regulatory pathway rather than a legislative one. He proposes an executive order directing the Treasury Department, within 90 days, to issue a rule through the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network under the Corporate Transparency Act that would treat litigation funders as entities required to report their beneficial owners, reversing earlier narrowing of that rule's scope. He further suggests Treasury and the IRS propose rules requiring funders — including lenders who underwrite litigation — to file public reports identifying the case, the parties, the underlying investors and the amounts committed. As a third step, he urges Treasury to examine designating litigation funders under the Bank Secrecy Act, which would trigger know-your-customer obligations.

The piece points to several examples he says illustrate the disclosure gap, including reporting that Reid Hoffman helped fund the E. Jean Carroll case against President Trump through a nonprofit intermediary, and philanthropic funding of attorneys embedded in state attorney general offices beginning in 2017.

Harper argues that persistent litigation delays infrastructure, data center and defense projects, and closes by framing the issue as one that "should be bipartisan."