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The 6th Anniversary of the Peter Thiel / Hulk Hogan / Gawker Case: What Have We Learned?

The 6th Anniversary of the Peter Thiel / Hulk Hogan / Gawker Case: What Have We Learned?

This week marks the sixth anniversary of Terry Bollea (AKA professional wrestler Hulk Hogan) suing Gawker media for publishing a sex tape of him with a married woman. The suit made national news not just for its salacious nature—but because of the questions it raised regarding privacy versus journalistic freedom. Once news emerged that billionaire and PayPal co-founder Peter Thiel was funding Hogan’s claim, the case became even more sensational. In this piece, we’ll take a look at exactly what happened in the case, and how it impacted (or hasn’t impacted) Litigation Finance. The Facts of the Case In 2007, Gawker, a website known for celebrity scandals and salacious content, published a piece with the headline: “Peter Thiel is totally gay, people.” Was this newsworthy? Did the piece have journalistic integrity? Reasonable people can disagree. Peter Thiel is in fact gay, which means the truth of the article protected Gawker from a libel suit. In 2009, an outed Thiel gave an interview in which he called Gawker ‘destructive,’ even as he acknowledged that the site wasn’t focused on ruining him personally. Thiel also speculated that Gawker maintained a disdainful attitude toward Big Tech, and may be focusing on punishing industry leaders as a result. Fast forward to 2012, when Gawker published a lewd video featuring wrestler Hulk Hogan (AKA Terry Bollea) having sex with Heather Clem—wife of radio personality “Bubba the Love Sponge.” This led to Bollea suing the media outlet for infringement of rights of publicity, invasion of privacy, and intentional infliction of emotional distress. Bollea was represented by famed Los Angeles attorney Charles Harder. The published video, which Bollea claims was recorded without his knowledge or consent, contained a 2-minute section of a 30+ minute video—ten seconds of which included explicit sex acts. In 2016, Forbes magazine revealed that it was indeed Peter Thiel who was bankrolling Bollea’s case against Gawker. Speculation soared over what was viewed by many as Thiel’s revenge against Gawker for outing him. Did he want to ruin the media company, or purchase it, or simply malign the company that caused him personal and professional anguish? Thiel maintained that his involvement was philanthropic at heart, and meant to protect people from being bullied by unscrupulous media outlets. If anything, the lawsuit was meant to deter Gawker from intentionally releasing damaging content that lacked legitimate news value. Gawker founder Nick Denton, who was named personally in Bollea’s claim, made a statement about Thiel’s involvement in the case: “Just because Peter Thiel is a Silicon Valley Billionaire, his opinion does not trump our millions of readers who know us for routinely driving big news stories.” Also in 2016, a jury awarded Bollea compensatory damages of $115 million, plus punitive damages of $25 million—finding Gawker liable. A few months later, Gawker filed Chapter 11 bankruptcy, and began looking for a buyer. Several media outlets owned by Gawker were sold. By November 2016, Gawker and Bollea reached a settlement of $31 million. Today, Gawker’s flagship gossip site is still active. Gawker media sold off several of its prominent sites including Gizmodo, Jezebel, Deadspin, and io9. The LF Connection The case itself was of particular interest in and around the Litigation Finance community. Opponents of third-party legal funding asserted that Thiel’s actions in the case laid out an effective blueprint for the very wealthy to bankroll frivolous, but eye-catching cases. Billionaires could, some posited, use their wealth and legal connections to target specific companies, forcing them into bankruptcy. This speculation took place alongside the typical accusations that third-party litigation funding could clog court dockets with meritless actions meant to be quick paydays for funders and their clients. For example, Peter Sheer, a First Amendment expert, suggested that Thiel and others might abuse the power of third-party legal funding to intimidate media outlets. According to Sheer: “Winning is the ultimate chilling effect, but if you can’t win the case, you at least want the editors to think twice before writing another critical story about you.” To the keen-eyed observer though, it’s clear that Peter Thiel neither incited this case, nor had any real control over its outcome. Bollea initiated the case before Thiel’s involvement. At the time the case was decided, the jury was unaware that Bollea had a benefactor. And since the jury ruled in favor of Bollea, not Gawker, it’s clear that the case had merit. Thiel was always adamant that funding Bollea’s case (to the tune of $10 million) was about deterrence, not revenge. He explains that he wanted to “fight back” against Gawker’s practice of damaging reputations and bullying those with no means to pursue a claim to conclusion. As Thiel explains, “…even someone like Terry Bollea, who is a millionaire and famous and a successful person didn’t quite have the resources to do this alone.” While one could view Thiel’s actions as being contradictory to the principles of free speech—he disagrees. In fact, Thiel has donated to free speech defenders like the Committee to Protect Journalists. Thiel maintains that there is a profound difference between journalism in the public interest, and the type of media Gawker traffics in. That’s why he decided to take action. Thiel told the New York Times, “It’s less about revenge and more about specific deterrence. I saw Gawker pioneer a unique and incredibly damaging way of getting attention by bullying people even when there was no connection with the public interest.” Now, six years after the case has concluded—what have we learned? We haven’t seen a rash of billionaires funding cases, frivolous or not, with the intention of bringing down specific companies. That’s not to say billionaires aren’t financing claims the way Thiel did, only that they aren’t doing so publicly. Unlike traditional litigation funders, Thiel did not stand to make any money from Bollea’s lawsuit. Technically, Thiel should still be considered the litigation funder, though his term sheet wouldn’t be one most funders would want to imitate. The Gawker case has not led to a slew of frivolous, funded claim. Among other reasons, it simply doesn’t make financial sense to invest in a case lacking in merit. Bollea’s accusations against Gawker were affirmed by the jury, which resulted in a large award. So this claim was meritorious, even if Thiel’s motivation for funding the claim were not ROI-based. Media outlets are not cowering en masse over fears of punitive lawsuits from billionaires. That was much ado about nothing. Holding media outlets accountable for what they print (and occasionally, their motivations for doing so) is a vital and essential part of the free press. Free speech is not freedom to print anything—even something as personal as a sex tape—merely as an attention-getting device. Final Takeaways Can a lawsuit fall under the purview of Free Speech? Thiel believes so, and many others agree. This case addressed questions of privacy, free speech, and litigation funding. The end results demonstrated that we are all entitled to some element of privacy—even the celebrities among us. The Gawker case also affirmed that litigation funding still serves the interests of justice by enhancing the ability of claimants to bring lawsuits when they are wronged. The takeaway here should be that Peter Thiel afforded Hulk Hogan access to justice. Of course, when a billionaire backs a professional wrestler against a media company, sometimes the moral of the story can get lost beneath the headlines.
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Loopa Finance Backs $1.4B Climate Case in Chile Over Ventanas Pollution

By John Freund |

In a high-stakes move that could redefine climate litigation in Latin America, Loopa Finance has announced it will fund a series of civil claims tied to environmental and human health damages stemming from the Ventanas thermoelectric complex in Chile. The lawsuits seek multimillion-dollar compensation for over 1,000 individuals in the so-called “sacrifice zones” of Quintero and Puchuncaví, alleging direct harm from toxic emissions over a seven-year period.

In a press release, Loopa Finance announced the litigation is built on a landmark study from the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA), which uses advanced atmospheric modeling to directly link emissions from the Ventanas facility to 563 deaths, hundreds of adverse birth outcomes, and an estimated USD 1.4 billion in economic losses between 2013 and 2020. The findings provide the first scientifically verified causal link between the plant’s pollution and measurable human and environmental harm—spanning as far as Santiago, 300 kilometers away.

The legal action, Arellano v. Empresa Eléctrica Ventanas SpA (Case No. C-8595-2025), was filed in the 18th Civil Court of Santiago in September 2025 and is led by attorney Miguel Fredes of the Climate Defense Program. Backed by precedent from Chile’s Supreme Court and UN findings on regional human rights risks, the plaintiffs seek environmental remediation, full compensation, and permanent closure of the Ventanas facility.

Loopa Finance—formerly known as Qanlex—brings its cross-border litigation funding model to bear, combining legal and engineering expertise across Latin America and Europe. “This is a landmark case,” said Loopa investment manager Federico Muradas. “We’re backing it because we believe in effective and restorative environmental justice.”

Burford Issues YPF Litigation Update Ahead of Pivotal Appeal Hearing

By John Freund |

Burford Capital has released a detailed investor update ahead of a key appellate hearing in its high-profile litigation against Argentina over the renationalization of YPF.

According to Burford’s press release, oral arguments in the consolidated appeal—referred to as the “Main Appeal”—are scheduled for October 29, 2025, before the US Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. The hearing will address Argentina’s challenge to a $16 billion judgment issued in 2023, as well as cross-appeals concerning the dismissal of YPF as a defendant. The release outlines the appellate process and timelines in granular detail, noting that a ruling could come months—or even a year—after the hearing, with additional delays possible if rehearing or Supreme Court review is pursued.

Burford also clarified the distinction between the Main Appeal and a separate appeal involving a turnover order directing Argentina to deliver YPF shares to satisfy the judgment. That order has been stayed pending resolution, with briefing set to conclude by December 12, 2025. Meanwhile, discovery enforcement is proceeding in the District Court, where Argentina has been ordered to produce documents—including internal and “off-channel” communications—amid accusations of delay tactics.

International enforcement efforts continue in at least eight jurisdictions, including the UK, France, and Brazil, where Argentina is contesting recognition of the US judgment.

The update serves both as a procedural roadmap and a cautionary note: Burford stresses the unpredictable nature of sovereign litigation and acknowledges the possibility of substantial delays, setbacks, or settlements at reduced values.

FCA to Take Over AML Oversight of Legal Sector, Drawing Industry Backlash

By John Freund |

The UK legal profession is bracing for sweeping regulatory changes after the government announced plans to transfer anti-money laundering (AML) supervision of lawyers and accountants to the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA).

An article in Legal Futures details the surprise decision, which has sparked widespread criticism from legal regulators including the Solicitors Regulation Authority (SRA), the Council for Licensed Conveyancers (CLC), and the Law Society. SRA Chief Executive Paul Philip, speaking at the regulator’s compliance conference, described the change as “very different” from existing oversight, warning that the FCA’s rules-based approach could upend how legal firms manage AML compliance. SRA Chair Anna Bradley echoed this sentiment, highlighting the potential for friction in adapting to the FCA's framework.

Currently employing 30 AML specialists, the SRA may redirect those resources elsewhere, but clarity remains lacking on how the FCA will structure and fund its expanded mandate. Law Society President Mark Evans cautioned that the move could raise compliance costs and create a burdensome dual-regulation environment, sentiments echoed by the CLC and the Law Society of Scotland.

The FCA, for its part, says the consolidation will streamline AML oversight and bolster enforcement capabilities. However, several experts—including former SRA AML director Colette Best and compliance professionals across the sector—warn that the FCA’s unfamiliarity with legal practice, possible under-resourcing, and the need for new legislation may delay implementation and sow confusion.

While anti-corruption advocates like Spotlight on Corruption welcomed the move, calling it a long-overdue shakeup, industry voices argue the transition must be carefully managed to avoid disrupting one of the UK’s most respected professions.

For litigation funders, the development underscores a trend toward stronger centralized oversight in areas intersecting with financial crime enforcement. Questions remain over how the FCA’s broader enforcement style might influence law firms—and by extension, the funders who work with them.